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May 31, 2012
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in a little more than an hour, more about civil rights then and now, the achievements of the past 60 years, and civil rights issues today. >> this is c-span3 with politics and public affairs programing throughout the week, and every weekend 48 hours of people and events telling the american story on american history tv. get our schedules and see past programs at our websites. and you can join in the conversation on social media sites. more now from the john f. kennedy presidential library conference on the presidency and civil rights. the next panel, which is a little more than an hour, focuses on president kennedy's civil rights legacy. >> so if we could have your attention. we'll now good to our next panel on the presidencies of john f. kennedy and lyndon baines johnson. >> all right. so now it is good afternoon, so good afternoon. and remember that we're honoring two presidents, george wash and abraham lincoln. here is something from abraham lincoln that seems fit for this afternoon. the probability that we may fail in the struggle ought not to deter us from the support of a cause
in a little more than an hour, more about civil rights then and now, the achievements of the past 60 years, and civil rights issues today. >> this is c-span3 with politics and public affairs programing throughout the week, and every weekend 48 hours of people and events telling the american story on american history tv. get our schedules and see past programs at our websites. and you can join in the conversation on social media sites. more now from the john f. kennedy presidential library...
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May 30, 2012
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solutions that matter. >>> mitt romney is now lecturing us on civil rights. but 65-year-old romney refused to participate in any way in america's civil rights movement when he had a chance. mitt romney has no right to be lecturing anyone on civil rights. that's next on the rewrite. i'll have more awkward conversations than i'm equipped for because i'm raising two girls on my own. i'll worry about the economy more than a few times before they're grown. but it's for them, so i've found a way. who matters most to you says the most about you. massmutual is owned by our policyholders so they matter most to us. massmutual. we'll help you get there. today training depends on technology. and when it takes a battery, there are athletes everywhere who trust duracell. they rely on copper to go for the gold. duracell. trusted everywhere. that's good morning, veggie style. hmmm. for half the calories plus veggie nutrition. could've had a v8. [ male announcer ] aggressive styling. a more fuel-efficient turbocharged engine. and a completely redesigned interior. ♪ the 2012
solutions that matter. >>> mitt romney is now lecturing us on civil rights. but 65-year-old romney refused to participate in any way in america's civil rights movement when he had a chance. mitt romney has no right to be lecturing anyone on civil rights. that's next on the rewrite. i'll have more awkward conversations than i'm equipped for because i'm raising two girls on my own. i'll worry about the economy more than a few times before they're grown. but it's for them, so i've found a...
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Mar 11, 2012
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and so historians have termed the new way of setting the civil rights movement, the long civil rights movement. looking not just at the black white binary but also looking at how women are looked at, religion, if it's an issue of sexuality. trying to be a little more inclusive. maryland's place in the civil rights is intriguing because maryland is a border state slaves were free. half as many free black living in baltimore as there are enslaved labor at the same time. and it's the combination of looking at things that rule. so in that very confused, complex border state, you have other more movements that are looked at. so we look at something like the sit-ins that happened at greensboro at 1950 north carolina and we're not looking at what is occurring here in 1955. we're looking at how events are involving the southern christian leadership conference but we're not looking to see how women, teachers were organizing to receive equal pay in baltimore as early as the 1930s. so baltimore and maryland, it's a new wave of studies saying they really predate a lot of the earlier struggles tha
and so historians have termed the new way of setting the civil rights movement, the long civil rights movement. looking not just at the black white binary but also looking at how women are looked at, religion, if it's an issue of sexuality. trying to be a little more inclusive. maryland's place in the civil rights is intriguing because maryland is a border state slaves were free. half as many free black living in baltimore as there are enslaved labor at the same time. and it's the combination...
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May 30, 2012
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in original and also fragrance-free. >>> mitt romney is now lecturing us on civil rights. but 65-year-old romney refused to participate in any way in america's civil rights movement when he had a chance. mitt romney has no right to be lecturing anyone on civil rights. that's next on the rewrite. follow the wings. [ male announcer ] we imagined a vehicle that could adapt to changing road conditions. one that continually monitors and corrects for wheel slip. we imagined a vehicle that can increase emergency braking power when you need it most. and we imagined it looking like nothing else on the road today. then...we built it. the 2012 glk. see your authorized mercedes-benz dealer for exceptional offers through mercedes-benz financial services. that's good morning, veggie style. hmmm. for half the calories plus veggie nutrition. could've had a v8. the economy needs manufacturing. machines, tools, people making stuff. companies have to invest in making things. infrastructure, construction, production. we need it now more than ever. chevron's putting more than $8 billion dollar
in original and also fragrance-free. >>> mitt romney is now lecturing us on civil rights. but 65-year-old romney refused to participate in any way in america's civil rights movement when he had a chance. mitt romney has no right to be lecturing anyone on civil rights. that's next on the rewrite. follow the wings. [ male announcer ] we imagined a vehicle that could adapt to changing road conditions. one that continually monitors and corrects for wheel slip. we imagined a vehicle that...
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Jan 28, 2012
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but right now we don't have an alternative. in dealing with these subtle forms of discrimination that are now the most the most prevalent and the most serious social injustices, civil-rights are limited in their ability to make a difference. >> interesting. the and the lot of these questions. okay. the one back to educational issues, affirmative-action, which was originally intended to be about the big picture, where are we now? >> well, that is a very big question. >> from a civil rights law standpoint. >> from a civil rights law standpoint, affirmative-action is legally and acceptable in a preliminary range of circumstances, but what we have seen is the legal debate around affirmative action has -- it has done several interesting things. one, the legal principles that were at one time understood to be in support of things like integration have now been turned against policies that are designed to integrate work forces, schools and what have you, affirmative-action policies. they begin on a relatively narrow idea that the lega
but right now we don't have an alternative. in dealing with these subtle forms of discrimination that are now the most the most prevalent and the most serious social injustices, civil-rights are limited in their ability to make a difference. >> interesting. the and the lot of these questions. okay. the one back to educational issues, affirmative-action, which was originally intended to be about the big picture, where are we now? >> well, that is a very big question. >> from a...
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May 13, 2012
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civil rights laws. it was mentioned earlier that under president eisenhower's watch the 1967 civil rights act was enacted, the 1967 act gave the justice department additional powers to enforce civil rights, but really still very, very significant constraints on what the justice department can do. the naacp is caught up with the struggle of trying to implement brown versus board of education, and then there is martin luther king who was catapulted to prominence with the montgomery bus boycott in 1965 and '66, but king is also looking in 1960, '61 for ways to push the movement forward. so what the context was that a lot had been done. desegregation of the military, brown versus the board of education. president kennedy and robert kennedy were both air ball liberals. they were comfortable with social equality. they were comfortable around african-americans which distinguished them from most of the predecessors in the office of the presidency, but still nobody knew what the next step was. in fact, the next
civil rights laws. it was mentioned earlier that under president eisenhower's watch the 1967 civil rights act was enacted, the 1967 act gave the justice department additional powers to enforce civil rights, but really still very, very significant constraints on what the justice department can do. the naacp is caught up with the struggle of trying to implement brown versus board of education, and then there is martin luther king who was catapulted to prominence with the montgomery bus boycott in...
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May 27, 2012
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we're trying to kind of do civil rights then and now. what's the struggle for women's rights and contemporary? >> this is my school partner. >> any stage that i can sit with roger. i'm not so concerned about passing the equal rights amendment as i am about promoting and risking life and lim to say that women's rights are human rights, human rights are civil rights, and civil rights are human rights and human rights are civil rights. and i think that that is the major issue of our time. i think the -- sort of the unintended consequence, if you will, to echo charlayne's point, i mean, look at affirmative action. who did affirmative action help? it helped white women more than it helped people of color, and so i think that women have a huge road to hoe, and i think that in many ways, despite the progress that we've made, there's still major stereotypes. i mean, i'm thrilled that obama is my president, but i gave my heart and soul to hillary clinton, okay, and i have known her since 1970, and i went to 15 states, 14 states. i knocked on 15,0
we're trying to kind of do civil rights then and now. what's the struggle for women's rights and contemporary? >> this is my school partner. >> any stage that i can sit with roger. i'm not so concerned about passing the equal rights amendment as i am about promoting and risking life and lim to say that women's rights are human rights, human rights are civil rights, and civil rights are human rights and human rights are civil rights. and i think that that is the major issue of our...
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May 7, 2012
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i want to now get to eisenhower's some say finest moment with regards to civil rights and that's, of course, what happened at little rock. gang, remember, we've said neither truman nor eisenhower looking for social equality, yet we now, as you have articulated very well, understand what eisenhower was doing that, he had the power to do, so here he is at a situation at little rock, and his hand is forced, but before we get to what he did, ernie green, tell us the story of little rock, so there you were standing alone. your buddies abandoned you. >> i -- everybody's got a favorite teacher story. one of those magic moments. he had a -- at the black high school that i attended before going to central, my 11th grade history teacher whose name was gwendolyn scott, she taught black history. i'm sure if the little rock school board knew what she was doing they would have arrested. because we studied, you know, rebellions, the protest movement, the beginning of the naacp, all of this, and it just seemed to me, that again, going back to -- till was in my consciousness. montgomery bus boycott b
i want to now get to eisenhower's some say finest moment with regards to civil rights and that's, of course, what happened at little rock. gang, remember, we've said neither truman nor eisenhower looking for social equality, yet we now, as you have articulated very well, understand what eisenhower was doing that, he had the power to do, so here he is at a situation at little rock, and his hand is forced, but before we get to what he did, ernie green, tell us the story of little rock, so there...
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Jun 3, 2012
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now, as we look back on it now, that civil rights bill was very weak. as we look back on it now, the -- probably the major thing that came out of the civil rights bill was the u.s. civil rights commission, which is still in existence, still limping along. but on the other, in 1957, that civil rights bill was the first bill of its kind to be passed by the u.s. congress since 1875. which -- think about that. in other words, finally congress was beginning to act on the rights of blacks and other people of color throughout the country. also, by 1960, those students in the south saw the success -- had witnessed the success of martin luther king. now, we won't -- we don't have time to talk about the montgomery bus boycott, but i think you're all familiar with it. i will say this. the montgomery bus boycott was a prime example of ordinary people. you know the story of rosa parks, okay? and you know that she's a brave woman, and you know there are monuments to her all over the country. what you probably don't know is the rest of the story. rosa parks, her symbo
now, as we look back on it now, that civil rights bill was very weak. as we look back on it now, the -- probably the major thing that came out of the civil rights bill was the u.s. civil rights commission, which is still in existence, still limping along. but on the other, in 1957, that civil rights bill was the first bill of its kind to be passed by the u.s. congress since 1875. which -- think about that. in other words, finally congress was beginning to act on the rights of blacks and other...
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there were some pro-civil rights republicans back then, but certainly after the civil rights act was passed in 1964, the republican party became the party of opposition to civil rights. >> you talked a lot about how communism and black civil rights are kind of grouped together. i don't really see the connection between them and how they went about that. >> after world war ii, everybody thought that if we won the war, you know, and people thought african-american and civil rights activists, both black and white, thought of the war as a sort of double "v" campaign. victory overseas against fascism, and victory here against racism and jim crowe. and people just thought that if we won the war, then because the war had discredited racism as a national policy. the fight against hitler and fascism was a fight against racism. so racism was really sort of delegitimized during world war ii. what happened with the end of world war ii and then the onset of the cold war was it gave segregationists, it gave the white south a reason, a way of demonizing the civil rights movement, of demonizing the
there were some pro-civil rights republicans back then, but certainly after the civil rights act was passed in 1964, the republican party became the party of opposition to civil rights. >> you talked a lot about how communism and black civil rights are kind of grouped together. i don't really see the connection between them and how they went about that. >> after world war ii, everybody thought that if we won the war, you know, and people thought african-american and civil rights...
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Jan 29, 2012
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now in many ways advocates for social justice using our hearts and minds perceived into the civil rights narrative so you start off with a narrative and it is a bigoted town. it is the perfect instance but it is ambiguous and a lot of people have legitimate objections to the idea is straightforward civil-rights the you are preaching to the choir. so that says to me a consistent pattern with many are much of the civil-rights agitation of today that we lost the battle to win hearts and minds of those. but how to fix that is a complicated question because so many social injustices are not susceptible to a dramatic narrative are susceptible to the narrative of the individual reno has done wrong but instead they are complicated. through statistics and analogies that lead people to flawlessly. that can is the challenge. i don't have a straightforward answer but i do believe that is a challenge to make them more hour to make them come alive to be real without going through the bit to the individual that is a hard narrative to maintain. >> host: have the divide and conquer strategy is by the eco
now in many ways advocates for social justice using our hearts and minds perceived into the civil rights narrative so you start off with a narrative and it is a bigoted town. it is the perfect instance but it is ambiguous and a lot of people have legitimate objections to the idea is straightforward civil-rights the you are preaching to the choir. so that says to me a consistent pattern with many are much of the civil-rights agitation of today that we lost the battle to win hearts and minds of...
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frame it, in fact, led to a civil rights movement and not a human rights movement. >> so, now, with those two wars in context, let's talk about a truman coming from where he's coming from and coming off what we know about fdr, how he moved towards even getting to the point, you mentioned his veterans of being veterans, you know, of thinking about desegregating the army. and you talked about desegregating the army and when you talk about civil rights and truman, we sort of stick him there. there's a broad picture, so if you would with discuss that. >> part of that picture, dave, is absolutely right. truman was in a battle for his electoral life in that 1948 campaign, and clark clifford made it clear the only way to win that election is get that black vote, the black vote that moved up north to the electorally powerful -- electoral college powerful states so that was part of it. the other part of what truman was dealing with was he had the sense of justice, and he saw the injustice. but he's also tied into the missouri resistance. when you talk about the complexity of these presidents
frame it, in fact, led to a civil rights movement and not a human rights movement. >> so, now, with those two wars in context, let's talk about a truman coming from where he's coming from and coming off what we know about fdr, how he moved towards even getting to the point, you mentioned his veterans of being veterans, you know, of thinking about desegregating the army. and you talked about desegregating the army and when you talk about civil rights and truman, we sort of stick him there....
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Dec 23, 2012
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commission on civil rights. here's a history of the u.s. commission on civil rights. very frances berry on booktv on c-span 2. >> now another interview from the university of pennsylvania. stephanie mccurry sat down to discuss her book about her reckoning, looking at internal politics during the civil war and the influence the southern limit of a hat on the worst outcome. it's a little under half an hour. >> confederate bracketing is the name of the book. powered politics and the civil war south. the author is history professor, stephanie mccurry and the university of pennsylvania. first of all, professor mccurry, what is this painting on the front of your book? >> guest: this is a civil war painting of a battleship going down, the confederate flag going down in flames. it's an allegorical painting.
commission on civil rights. here's a history of the u.s. commission on civil rights. very frances berry on booktv on c-span 2. >> now another interview from the university of pennsylvania. stephanie mccurry sat down to discuss her book about her reckoning, looking at internal politics during the civil war and the influence the southern limit of a hat on the worst outcome. it's a little under half an hour. >> confederate bracketing is the name of the book. powered politics and the...
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now. [ laughter ] >> well, i think first of all, we have to remember that the democratic party was profoundly southern and a western party so when roosevelt comes into office he has not yet realigned the party to become the party that we all know today, but so it's quite interesting to me that some of the things that immediately happened with the staff that he picks. i mean, you immediately integrate -- and i use that word deliberately -- you abolish segregation in federal cafeterias in the interior department and other places. when, in fact, d.c. is a profoundly segregated city, and was segregated by a democrat, woodrow wilson. so his appointments, i think, are quite interesting in that way. you've got harold ickies, harry hopkins, aubrey williams, and of course, the incomparable mary mcleod bethune. who before september 11th i used to lump with eleanor roosevelt and say they were the twin towers of the pre-war civil rights movement. so there's a huge risk taking mind-set there. now, does
now. [ laughter ] >> well, i think first of all, we have to remember that the democratic party was profoundly southern and a western party so when roosevelt comes into office he has not yet realigned the party to become the party that we all know today, but so it's quite interesting to me that some of the things that immediately happened with the staff that he picks. i mean, you immediately integrate -- and i use that word deliberately -- you abolish segregation in federal cafeterias in...
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Jan 29, 2012
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now. or in the foreseeable future. those who criticized eisenhower on civil rights often point out that he did not use the bully pulpit of the presidency to push this issue forward. to play a part about the issue. his reticence came to the foremost glaringly after the supreme court delivered its unanimous decision striking down segregated school in the brown versus the board of education topeka case. when the supreme court announced the decision in may 1954, the president made no public comment about the ruling other than to assert his willingness to obey the court's decisions. his perspective on the brown ruling may have been expressed best in remarks that he made to his staff. quote, it's all very well to talk about school integration. but you may also be talking about social disintegration. we can't demand perfection in moral questions. all we can do is keep working toward a goal and keep it high. and the fellow who tries to tell me that you can do these things by force is just plain nu
now. or in the foreseeable future. those who criticized eisenhower on civil rights often point out that he did not use the bully pulpit of the presidency to push this issue forward. to play a part about the issue. his reticence came to the foremost glaringly after the supreme court delivered its unanimous decision striking down segregated school in the brown versus the board of education topeka case. when the supreme court announced the decision in may 1954, the president made no public comment...
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we have agencies now that say you can't do that. in the 1930s, civil rights comes through with a collective labor rights. and also the fair labor act tomorrow they all kind of protected, and then something interesting happens, which is in the 1940s and 1950s, civil rights becomes much more entwined with race. but that is not always the case, and that really changes. one of the other interesting things is that it is not always clear that civil rights means voting rights or that civil rights means the right to eat in a restaurant in a non-segregated basis. if you look back at the civil war, the reconstruction era, the 14th amendment, which is one of the main amendments that supports civil rights today, was ratified, people really thought that civil rights were about owning property in making contracts and sitting on a jury and being able to sue in court. but not about what they called social rights. being able to go to a hotel or ride on a streetcar or to a restaurant or attend a school, and certainly not political rights, which were
we have agencies now that say you can't do that. in the 1930s, civil rights comes through with a collective labor rights. and also the fair labor act tomorrow they all kind of protected, and then something interesting happens, which is in the 1940s and 1950s, civil rights becomes much more entwined with race. but that is not always the case, and that really changes. one of the other interesting things is that it is not always clear that civil rights means voting rights or that civil rights...
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Jan 29, 2012
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are now the most, the most prevalent and the most serious circle of injustice, civil rights are limited in their ability to make a difference. >> interesting. i've done a lot of these questions. okay, going back to education issues, affirmative action, which was originally intended to be about the big picture. where are we now on that? >> well, that's a very big question. >> from a civil rights law standpoint. >> from a civil rights lost hos: template, affirmative action iss legally acceptable in a fairly narrow range of circumstances, but what we see as the legal debate around the affirmative h action, it's done severall interesting things.ings. one, the principles that were at one time understood to be in support of things like integration have now been turned against policies that are designed to integrate workforces, schools and what have you, affirmative action policy. baby goat on a relatively narrow idea that the legal entries discrimination and discrimination narrowly defined a from the action, narrowly defined. at it the kit's an instance of the kind of thinking that i am descr
are now the most, the most prevalent and the most serious circle of injustice, civil rights are limited in their ability to make a difference. >> interesting. i've done a lot of these questions. okay, going back to education issues, affirmative action, which was originally intended to be about the big picture. where are we now on that? >> well, that's a very big question. >> from a civil rights law standpoint. >> from a civil rights lost hos: template, affirmative action...
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Jun 3, 2012
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and by the best guesstimate of the civil rights leadership, the various civil rights organizations, at least 17 people had been killed because of their activity in civil rights demonstrations between 1960 and 1962. in other words, this was slow progress. this was very, very slow progress. and as you can imagine, a number of people were becoming upset with this. a number of people were becoming increasingly impatient. as a matter of fact, and i'll pull this -- these are the freedom rides. none how much -- i don't know how much i want to say about that. i'll come back and say something about it. but the point of this assessment by all of these civil rights activists is that as one said, if we continue at this rate -- if we continue at this rate, it will take them until 1980 before all of the south is desegregated. if it we continue at this rate, it will take until 1980, before all of the south is integrated. and as a result, some people began to talk about doing something. doing something big to try to focus national attention on the civil rights campaigns. let me -- i'm going to sort of
and by the best guesstimate of the civil rights leadership, the various civil rights organizations, at least 17 people had been killed because of their activity in civil rights demonstrations between 1960 and 1962. in other words, this was slow progress. this was very, very slow progress. and as you can imagine, a number of people were becoming upset with this. a number of people were becoming increasingly impatient. as a matter of fact, and i'll pull this -- these are the freedom rides. none...
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Mar 10, 2012
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it wasn't exactly civil rights. i guess civil rights was kind of a legal question of your rights under the constitution as citizens. so what would be -- what could you think of as a better terminology to take this whole period from reconstruction on that would say it? i think people get confused and disassociated with things. >> at the beginning of the course a few weeks ago, we spent 45 minutes to figure that out before we read any text or anything like that. there is a difference between what historians decided to call the movement versus the people who participated in it. we can look at reconstruction and somebody in baltimore says it starts at it time period and ends at this time period. some folks and historians and activists have played around with the modern freedom struggle. just looking at the issue of freedom around the period of enslavement. it is a huge term that people want to put a catch-all phrase. it depends on what you are talking about. when i was asked to be on the panel, maryland and civil rights
it wasn't exactly civil rights. i guess civil rights was kind of a legal question of your rights under the constitution as citizens. so what would be -- what could you think of as a better terminology to take this whole period from reconstruction on that would say it? i think people get confused and disassociated with things. >> at the beginning of the course a few weeks ago, we spent 45 minutes to figure that out before we read any text or anything like that. there is a difference...
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Apr 27, 2012
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now in this summer of 1964 the civil rights bill is the law of the land. in the words of the president, it restricts no one's freedom, so long as he respects the rights of others. >> governor doug wilder is joining us from richmond, virginia, as we reflect back on the most important piece of the legislation in the 20th century. we want to welcome students from the washington sent the center and george mason university participating in the c-span washington classroom. governor wilder is now anned a adjunct professor. governor, thank you very much for being with us. >> steve, my extreme pleasure, always to be with you. >> let's take a step back at that law, what led to the 1964 civil rights act and its impact both on the country and on american politics. your thoughts? >> well, first of all, the timing is significant. 1954 was brown versus board of education, and yet the implementation was lagging. many people thought that was the first key to unlock the doors of equality to make certain things would take place. and that didn't happen. and when john kennedy
now in this summer of 1964 the civil rights bill is the law of the land. in the words of the president, it restricts no one's freedom, so long as he respects the rights of others. >> governor doug wilder is joining us from richmond, virginia, as we reflect back on the most important piece of the legislation in the 20th century. we want to welcome students from the washington sent the center and george mason university participating in the c-span washington classroom. governor wilder is...
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he didn't have a civil rights organization early on. so he wasn't like roy wilkens of the naacp or thurgood marshall of the naacp. and he didn't emerge and form an organization early on like martin luther king jr. and the cslc. so -- sclc. so he didn't have those bases to tap into. another reason comes into play, and that is that rustin was openly gay for his era. and for that reason he decided, well, let me be add another point. he was also arrested on charges of lewd vagrancy at different points. so those who were civil rights leaders, as well as bayard himself, chose different times for him to step into the shadows. and he did that sometimes willingly and sometimes not willingly. bayard also, i want to emphasize, was a great speaker. early on he was known for his ability to be a great speaker. and that ability faded into the background as these arrests happened and as people became concerned about his sexuality tainting the movement, about his arrests tainting the movement and also about his roots in communism tainting tainting thet
he didn't have a civil rights organization early on. so he wasn't like roy wilkens of the naacp or thurgood marshall of the naacp. and he didn't emerge and form an organization early on like martin luther king jr. and the cslc. so -- sclc. so he didn't have those bases to tap into. another reason comes into play, and that is that rustin was openly gay for his era. and for that reason he decided, well, let me be add another point. he was also arrested on charges of lewd vagrancy at different...
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by 1962 heat sanitizes about civil rights, and just after the civil rights movement happens, goes to the senate floor and he calls bayard a homosexual and pervert. the national media latches onto this. and they pummel bayard and rights leaders for comments. at this point, the civil rights leaders stand by his side. byard says at this point community to judge me on my whole character. my whole life. bayard also does not talk about his gay sexuality in the media. he doesn't do that. he is of the school that says at this point that one we beat sexuality is a private matter. he writes this in a letter in 1985 to a man who is putting together an anthology of writing by african-american gays. bayard said he considered orientation to be a private matter. by the mid- 1980s, he stands up for gay rights and speaks on behalf of gay rights in new york city. but he does so in part because of walter nagel, his longtime companion, have been encouraging him to do so. with walter smudging, he began to speak out on behalf of gay rights. of course, since then, the gay-rights movement has seen byard as
by 1962 heat sanitizes about civil rights, and just after the civil rights movement happens, goes to the senate floor and he calls bayard a homosexual and pervert. the national media latches onto this. and they pummel bayard and rights leaders for comments. at this point, the civil rights leaders stand by his side. byard says at this point community to judge me on my whole character. my whole life. bayard also does not talk about his gay sexuality in the media. he doesn't do that. he is of the...
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Mar 10, 2012
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historians have termed a new way of setting the civil rights movement, the long civil rights movement, looking not just at the black-white binary, but also looking at how women are looked at, religion, issues of sexuality, issues of new folk kai of gender and trying to be more maryland's place in the civil rights movement is really intriguing because maryland is a border state. so it's neither north, north-south. i had this argument again with my students this afternoon in my great migration class. it's neither slave or free. there are half as many free blacks living in there are enslaved laborers at the same time. and it's the combination of loonging at both a state that's rural and urban. so in that very confused, complex, nuanced border state, you have other more pop liesed movements that are looked at. so we look at something like the sit-inha borrow in 1960 in north carolina, but not looking at the sit-ins occurring here at reid's drugstore in 1955. we're looking at howie vents are involving the southern christian leadership conference in 1957, but not looking to see how women te
historians have termed a new way of setting the civil rights movement, the long civil rights movement, looking not just at the black-white binary, but also looking at how women are looked at, religion, issues of sexuality, issues of new folk kai of gender and trying to be more maryland's place in the civil rights movement is really intriguing because maryland is a border state. so it's neither north, north-south. i had this argument again with my students this afternoon in my great migration...
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Jun 3, 2012
06/12
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in 1948 best black lawyers did civil rights law. they did it in part because that's what they wanted to do but they did civil rights law in part because other areas were closed to them. in a sense, ironic sense the discrimination against them by many of the law firms would lead them to be involved in the kinds of activities that would help to change american life and particularly african-american life. let me come back to charles houston. as i said before, he's the one who would chart the legal strategy that would lead to brown. that strategy was very simple. at least i'm going to simplify it. essentially it was this. the culprit is segregation. racial segregation. but one cannot confront segregation directly in 1940. one has to confront the edges of segregation and essentially what these lawyers were trying to do was to look for, if you will, the weak spots, the weak places, the edges as i said before, the edges of segregation. what's the edge of segregation? well, the schools in the border states. so they would go after -- they wo
in 1948 best black lawyers did civil rights law. they did it in part because that's what they wanted to do but they did civil rights law in part because other areas were closed to them. in a sense, ironic sense the discrimination against them by many of the law firms would lead them to be involved in the kinds of activities that would help to change american life and particularly african-american life. let me come back to charles houston. as i said before, he's the one who would chart the legal...
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May 31, 2012
05/12
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now, we didn't notice then, because we were focused on civil rights. he had no reference to any domestic issue whatsoever, until louie martin and i got two words added at the last minute. "at home." the quote we heard at the beginning of the day, we're going to support, committed to human rights at home and around the world. it was about 24 hours before he spoke that he added "at home." his main interest in life until then had been foreign affairs. wrote a book about it in 1920 why england slept. i never had any doubt that he wanted to end segregation, but i had plenty of doubt as to what priority he would put until the protest movement in blood on too many occasions stirred him, which is a huge historical fact. >> i've got a couple of -- >> one quick thing. >> i've got a question -- >> the media. i've been a moderator, too. >> give me one second. i'm going to let you say it, but hold on one second. i've got to move this, because we've got questions here. i need to get a couple of conclusions that need to be made here so people can follow this. one is
now, we didn't notice then, because we were focused on civil rights. he had no reference to any domestic issue whatsoever, until louie martin and i got two words added at the last minute. "at home." the quote we heard at the beginning of the day, we're going to support, committed to human rights at home and around the world. it was about 24 hours before he spoke that he added "at home." his main interest in life until then had been foreign affairs. wrote a book about it in...
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May 12, 2012
05/12
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but clearly i think civil rights is as vietnam received in the memory the legacy of civil rights is clear every more present in a daily lives and i think will lead to his not only reassessment but indication. there's one conner conversation that's in the book where he's given the johnson treatment in person to george wails alabama governor. it's a remarkable -- at the pivot toll moment in history. i don't know if you care to read it to the audience. it's on the left-hand side there. >> guest: i'll be happy to do this. >> start here. >> guest: sure. let me set the stage. wallace reads the notion of sending federal troops into alabama when the the voting rights issue was at play. and alabama was almost at the boiling point. and so wallace is call to the white house. and like jfk, lbj had a rocking chair in his oval office. he was six feet three inches tall and he would frequently have where john is sitting on a couch that is for a lower than the rocking chair. and johnson would rock the chair up and literally lean over them and look down at them. and now bear in mind, as i mentioned, lbj is
but clearly i think civil rights is as vietnam received in the memory the legacy of civil rights is clear every more present in a daily lives and i think will lead to his not only reassessment but indication. there's one conner conversation that's in the book where he's given the johnson treatment in person to george wails alabama governor. it's a remarkable -- at the pivot toll moment in history. i don't know if you care to read it to the audience. it's on the left-hand side there. >>...
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Jul 7, 2012
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now we historians, we argue a back and forth over this issue of when did the civil rights movement begin. and of course those of us who believe that the civil rights movement is a long movement. i had one colleague say to me that the civil rights movement started when the first slave got off the boat. but then most people, though, will say it started in 1954 with the brown decision and the montgomery bus boycott. well, the long civil rights movement, though, actually does go back to people like robert smalls who indeed were trying to pass and propose legislation that would give african-americans equal opportunity to work, equal opportunity and public accommodations as you have heard. equal access to the ballot, and basically, dignity. and smalls' own life sort of sets the tone for that in that he was a fighter. he challenged discrimination every opportunity and every chance that he got. now some of you, as you heard helen say this morning, i worked with her family to develop the exhibition that is now at the charleston museum. so i spent a year with robert smalls, you might say. that is,
now we historians, we argue a back and forth over this issue of when did the civil rights movement begin. and of course those of us who believe that the civil rights movement is a long movement. i had one colleague say to me that the civil rights movement started when the first slave got off the boat. but then most people, though, will say it started in 1954 with the brown decision and the montgomery bus boycott. well, the long civil rights movement, though, actually does go back to people like...
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May 4, 2012
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now, why study the music of the civil rights movement? and when you look at this period, it's really striking how the mass media affected people's perceptions of the movement, and we're talking about the nightly news. we're talking about print journalism, photo journalism and also popular culture, popular music and film and sports. the 1960s, and i think we've talked about this, were very unique in that the times, the civil rights movement, the social movement of the era, the anti-war movement and women's movement. it politicized all sorts of realms of culture. popular music became a field, an arena where people expressed their views of the time, and, you know, popular culture is also interesting in that it gives marginalized groups, people from marginalized groups, a voice, a political voice that they might not otherwise have. and so here we see a couple of countercultural icons of the 1960s and 1970s, and perhaps even still today, bob dylan and mohamed ali. there's an interesting comment i ran across, it's a popular music. the broader s
now, why study the music of the civil rights movement? and when you look at this period, it's really striking how the mass media affected people's perceptions of the movement, and we're talking about the nightly news. we're talking about print journalism, photo journalism and also popular culture, popular music and film and sports. the 1960s, and i think we've talked about this, were very unique in that the times, the civil rights movement, the social movement of the era, the anti-war movement...
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May 5, 2012
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the focus now is not just on civil rights. it is based on silver rights, meaning economic empowerment for the african-american community. not only do we it -- what did some of the right to sit down at a lunch counter to have a cup of coffee, we want to be able to own those lunch counters. not only was the fight back then to sit on the front of us, now we want to be able to own those buses. the fight to be able to live in any neighborhood that you want to has been fought. now, we have to have the fight for economic opportunities to be able to afford the houses in any neighborhood that we want to live in. it is a different fight, more about silver rights rather than civil rights at this point. economic of our net debt economic imperatives for the african-american community. their jobs, opportunities to be able to own your own businesses, and entrepreneurship is our focus now. not just being employees, we want to be employers so we can hire folks to do a job that we have already been doing for hundreds of years. there is a differ
the focus now is not just on civil rights. it is based on silver rights, meaning economic empowerment for the african-american community. not only do we it -- what did some of the right to sit down at a lunch counter to have a cup of coffee, we want to be able to own those lunch counters. not only was the fight back then to sit on the front of us, now we want to be able to own those buses. the fight to be able to live in any neighborhood that you want to has been fought. now, we have to have...
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Jul 1, 2012
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working on an oral history project, as well, the march on milwaukee civil history rights project. what can you tell us about that? >> so, the march on milwaukee several history rights project is a digital archive, it's an online archive of sources relating to mostly the struggle for open housing and school desegregation in 1960s milwaukee. it includes oral histories, but it also includes text documents, photographs and video footage, news footage from a local tv station at the time. >> what do you find the biggest challenge is? because your document, both of you are relatively recent history. we're talking in the case of the civil rights into the '60s -- '50s and '60s in the case of the japanese heritage project, the 1940s or so. what are the biggest challenges in terms of finding original source material? >> well, we had at my university, university of wisconsin, milwaukee, we had a lot of the documents already in our physical archives. so the challenge was to make them more accessible and to give them a kind of a context so that students in milwaukee in particular but beyond cou
working on an oral history project, as well, the march on milwaukee civil history rights project. what can you tell us about that? >> so, the march on milwaukee several history rights project is a digital archive, it's an online archive of sources relating to mostly the struggle for open housing and school desegregation in 1960s milwaukee. it includes oral histories, but it also includes text documents, photographs and video footage, news footage from a local tv station at the time....
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Jun 3, 2012
06/12
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interested in that direct civil rights campaign. let me come back to the national story. remember i talked about barack obama and the whole relationship to communism. remember we talked about josef stalin and some of you discussed stalin in your exams how the communists got involved in african-american civil rights activity in the 1960s. this is the shadow of this. this is, if you will, the mirror opposite of it. in other words, when people began to be involved in civil rights activity in the 1950s and 1960s it was very easy for the opposition to then say what? these people are communists. it was very easy for the opposition to make the communist argument. and this was going to be very powerful and as you can see, arkansas state law in 1958 -- anybody who knows anything about the naacp would be hard pressed to imagine the naacp is the capital of the international communist conspiracy, but nonetheless that's the law that was going to be passed in 1958. and it was passed for a specific reason. most of the naacp members in arkansas at
interested in that direct civil rights campaign. let me come back to the national story. remember i talked about barack obama and the whole relationship to communism. remember we talked about josef stalin and some of you discussed stalin in your exams how the communists got involved in african-american civil rights activity in the 1960s. this is the shadow of this. this is, if you will, the mirror opposite of it. in other words, when people began to be involved in civil rights activity in the...
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Jun 3, 2012
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we're going to discuss the civil rights movement origin our discussion of the civil rights movement tonight. for those of you, those of you in this room know who i am but for others i'm quintard taylor and i'm a professor of history, american history at the university of washington. okay, we'll get started. last time -- last week we talked about world war ii and one of the things that i tried to emphasize was the fact that ordinary people were becoming much more militant and aggressive in defending their civil rights. i'm going to continue that theme tonight and, indeed, i think it's even more so the case in the 1950s and 1960s that ordinary people became the engines of the civil rights movement. we tend to think about the civil rights movement as martin luther king, jr., fanny hammer and larger-than-life figures. but i would argue that the civil rights movement was made up by ordinary people including and you'll find out tonight a lot of college students. a lot of college students. in fact, in some ways the driving force of the civil rights movement came from people who were probably no ol
we're going to discuss the civil rights movement origin our discussion of the civil rights movement tonight. for those of you, those of you in this room know who i am but for others i'm quintard taylor and i'm a professor of history, american history at the university of washington. okay, we'll get started. last time -- last week we talked about world war ii and one of the things that i tried to emphasize was the fact that ordinary people were becoming much more militant and aggressive in...